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Conservatism is not Capitalism
by Andrew J. Galambos
Conservation is the tendency to preserve what is established.
Capitalism is that societal structure whose mechanism is capable of protecting all
forms of private property completely.
The current confusion between conservatism
and capitalism is not only nearly universal,
but it is also a great danger to the development of a free capitalist civilization.
So great is the confusion that most political conservatives sincerely think they
believe in capitalism and most people who think they believe in capitalism are vigorously
pursuing conservative political objectives, usually to the exclusion of other goals
for which they find they have "no time." This short article is intended
to show that capitalisma and conservatism are two different things. It is true that
there is an overlap but this is minor contrasted with the basically different objectives
and means employed by the two philosophies.
From the definition of conservatism,
it is evident that conservatism is a relative
concept because what is established is dependent upon time, place, and circumstance.
To be a conservative in mid-20th century America is not the same as to be a conservative
in mid-20th century Russia or to be a conservative in late-18th century America.
The first wishes to preserve the Republic as established in the 18th- century. The
second wishes to preserve Marxism-Leninism. The third wished to preserve monarchy
(decidedly, a different goal from the present American conservative's goal to preserve
the very Republic that once displaced monarchy). The reason it is easy to see why
there is a confusion between present conservatism
in America and capitalism is that the original
Republic approximated a capitalist society better than any other society in history,
and those who are satisfied that this is all there is to do to establish capitalism
believe that "restoring the Republic" will do it. It is important to note,
however, that only in the United States is it possible to associate even on such
a superficial level conservatism with capitalism. Nowhere else is there anything
worth preserving in terms of a capitalist heritage.
From the definition of capitalism (originally
developed by the author in his Course F-100: Capitalism The Liberal Revolution,
and first published by the author in "Thrust for Freedom No. 4" through
this publishing company), it is evident that capitalism
is an absolute concept. It does not depend upon time, place, and circumstance. It
is the societal structure that produces freedom by ensuring that each individual
is fully (100%) in control of his own property (property being individual man's life
and all non-procreative derivatives of his life). Either each individual controls
his own life and all of its derivatives or he does not. If he does, capitalism
is the societal structure that prevails by definition. There are no possibilities
of this being compromised or misunderstood.
Thus, capitalism,an absolute, requires new ideas
to bring it into existence. How do we know this? Because it doesn't exist at this
time anywhere on this planet. Furthermore, it has never existed to this date anywhere
on this planet. Before you jump to the false conclusion that it is impossible, consider
that the reason for this is not that it would violate any law of nature (the condition
for impossibility), but that the social technology to establish it has not been known
in the past. Thus, capitalism requires the constant
search for new ideas, new theories, and new applications. It is, therefore, a progressive
and liberal development because it requires forward-thinking and increased individual
freedom (liberation from property interferences and controls). Capitalism's only
tie with the past is the American Revolution and its ideological antecedents.
It is in this domain that the tenuous connection with conservatism
is sought. But remember that conservatism is preervative of the American Republic
only in the United States. And also remember that the mechanism of restoration sought
is the same one whereby we lost the original Republic of limited interference with
the individual. We lost it through political action based upon majority rule whereby
a small minority of politicians accumulated power by pretending "to promote
the general welfare" by offering the people en masse gratuities and doles. Most
people (not understanding the laws of nature) fervently seek the utopian and unattainable
goal of "something for nothing." So they favor those politicians who offer
the most with the reward of being voted into the seats of state authority. Later,
the politicians, in attempting to deliver on their promises, have to seize more and
more of the property of the people thereby negating individual freedom. The people
wishing something for nothing end up with nothing for something (something seized).
Those who abhor this trend have attempted to reverse it by "restoring the Republic."
Their goal is a commendable and worthy one. However, the means employed are not compatible
with the end sought. Therefore, it cannot succeed. The error in the conservative
approach is that innovation is not natural to it. This is because conservatism
has its roots in the past only. The past did not produce freedom for a good reason:
it was beyond the social technology of our predecessors. The conservative approach,
in the end, always resorts to political action. This is because the conservative
is not seeking new methods, and political action (rule of all by a few) is all that
is known to him. The conservative believes that if more enlightened men are appointed
or elected to high office and if the present restrictive laws are repealed then we
will achieve freedom. What is wrong with this argument is that the trouble is not
with men, but with a system that can do nothing but coerce. Regardless of who holds
the reins of power, the individual is still at the mercy of the state authority.
It is not true that good men will reform the state. It is true that
the state will corrupt the best of men. No one, and this includes the most sincere
and well-meaning conservative politicians, is immune to Acton's disease. Acton first
defined the symptoms of the world's foremost political disease:
Power corrupts and absolute power tends to corrupt absolutely.
Conservatism is easily held to political ridicule
by its opponents. Because of their anchorage in the past, conservatives are usually
accused of "facing backwards," of being opposed to the mainstream of America,
of marching into the Dark Ages, of feudalism of retrogression. The capitalist, being
the only true liberal and true progressive of history, is not burdened with this
image. Conservatives tend to harm their own cause by calling collectivists and socialists
by names such as liberal, radical, progressive. They usually are content with talking
about the "good old days" and the "wisdom of the past ages."
But to most people the old days were days without TV, without washing machines and
automobiles, days of hard manual toil for low wages and personal low standard of
living. They don't want to return to these things.
By contrast, a true capitalist does not seek
to emulate the past. He is content to learn from it. Capitalism does have a conservative
component but no more than a component. The capitalist studies the past to find
out what errors were made and what progress was accomplished. Then he strives to
avoid making the same errors and to learn from the progress what it takes to continue
it and improve it. The capitalist does not look to the past, but to the future. He
wishes to preserve only as much of the past as was creative, and then he endeavors
to build a progressively better and durable world.
The conservative, by resorting to political means, actually attempts to convert the
majority to his cause. He can do this only by trying to compromise the very principles
he holds dear. The conservative, by political means, gradually becomes indistinguishable
from his collectivist opponent. He seeks the same state authority that the collectivist
does. He does this in the vain hope that he can run the apparatus of coercion more
justly and more efficiently. But an apparatus of coercion can do nothing but coerce.
And the conservative in this predicament becomes gradually increasingly coercive.
This leads to charges of fascism and nazism. Actually, this is resident not in the
conservative goals, but in the usage of collectivist means to eliminate collectivist
ends. Thus, the conservative in politics (the only approach he knows) finds himself
embedded in a self-defeating mechanism. If he loses his political prize, he becomes
frustrated and the next time tries more frantically and more hysterically to convert
the majority to his side. To do this, he must compromise still more of his original
principles. If on the other hand, he wins his political prize (a rare event, but
it does happen occasionally), then he tries to convert the coercive apparatus of
the state to his own set of rules and thereby causes the same political errors in
the long run that his opponents were making.
The conservative has a party line as rigid and as disciplinarian as any other political
dogmatist. He tolerates no individualism in his political goals. The conservative
will challenge his opponents, but once in power, he disfavors challenge to his authority
with the same vigor as any other political overlord.
Moreover, conservatives worship tradition. Capitalists, on the other hand, honor
the knowledge of the past, but believe themselves capable of improving upon it and
do not succumb to self-derogation by assuming they can do nothing but repeat the
processes of the past. The conservatives who concern themselves most with the rituals
of the past traditions and their codification into a party line become the major
conservative politicians. The capitalists who concern themselves most with improvements
and progress become the major innovators and entrepreneurs. Conservatism is concerned
with codifying past controls of property, the improvement of property, the protection
of property, and the moral utilization of property.
The final point to be emphasized is that capitalism is not
a political concept and that the purpose of capitalism
is to construct a society wherein man is free by controlling all of his own property
all of the time. Because property does not have a political origin (but oftentimes
it has a political destruction), capitalism does not concern itself with improving
the state or any of the political apparatuses employed either to run the state or
to exchange the administration of the state. Politics, at best, is a game which never
ends. First, the "ins" and "outs" play until the "outs"
get "in." Then they switch sides and play it again. And so on, until man
loses all his property and ends up enslaved. Capitalism is the vehicle of progress
and the builder of civilization through property sanctity. Freedom is its attainable
goal. Freedom is not a game. Freedom is a man's loftiest goal and the prerequisite
for all his other permanent goals.
And when it is finally achieved, freedom is forever!
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